CGTN - HK in Lost的視頻節目，有人求翻譯，順手發過來_風聞

CGTN 【香港真相大起底 番外】迷失的香港 Lost in HK 來源：https://youtu.be/bLALZzmWVQE

#1 Intro 導入

Student: We will use our method and settle this privately. We will hit back and tell those who support the police: ‘If you are to mess around with us, you will end up badly, your heads will be broken and your blood flowing.’

蒙面學生（後面的採訪中均為“Ming”）：“我們會用我們的方法，私下解決這個問題。我們會反擊並告訴那些支持警察的人，如果你們給我們搗亂，你們就完了，我們會讓你頭破血流。”

Liu: Heads broken and blood flowing. Chilling words there, coming from a 15-year old boy. Let’s call him ‘Ming’. His identity is protected. In the eyes of the law, he is still a child. Yet it is angry youths like him who have turned HK into a city of violence. Why are they so angry? What are the forces that have been influencing them? What lies ahead for them and the city？Welcome to this CGTN special. I am Liu Xin. Join me as I unravel the forces vying for HK’s future.

劉（記者劉欣，與後面的旁白實則一人，後面為同in person的採訪做區分）：頭破血流，這麼令人心寒的詞語出自一個十五歲的男孩之口。他叫Ming。他的身份將在後續的採訪中被保密。從法律的視角來看，他依然是個孩子。然而，正是像他這樣憤怒的年輕人把香港變成了一個暴力之城。他們為什麼這麼生氣?是什麼力量驅使他們這麼做?他們和這個城市將面臨着什麼?歡迎來到CGTN的特別節目。我是劉欣。請和我一起來揭開在背後爭奪香港未來的各種力量。

#2 Background 背景

Liu: Hong Kong has long been known for one for the world’s freest and safest cities. It’s known for its strong adherence to the rule of law. But a murder case which happened in Taiwan in February 2018 cast all of that into doubt. 

劉：香港一直以來都是世界上最自由、最安全的城市之一。它以嚴格遵守法治而聞名。但2018年2月發生在台灣的一起謀殺案給這些打上了問號。

Voiceover: A Hong Kong resident was suspected of killing his girlfriend in Taiwan before fleeing home. Due to legal constraints, he could not be transferred to Taiwan for trial. In February 2019, a bill was proposed to allow the transfer of fugitives from Hong Kong to jurisdictions not covered by existing agreements. Some locals and Westerners attacked the bill as a central government measure to transfer political dissidents and erode Hong Kong’s Freedom. Hundreds of protests and violent activities have been staged. In June, radical protesters gathered illegally in downtown Hong Kong. Chief Executive Carried Lam suspended the bill, but protests and violence continued. More demands were raised, including amnesty for all arrested protesters and the resignation of Carrie Lam. Two weeks later, the Legislative Council building was stormed. Later in the month, in the largest seizures of its kind, police discovered a stash of powerful homemade explosives, petrol bombs and corrosive liquid. (Aug 2019) The Hong Kong airport was paralyzed for days. The bill was formally withdrawn on September 4th, but the violence escalated. Rioters vandalized public facilities, ransacked businesses and attacked police and ordinary people with opposing views. Protesters including rioters also occupied Hong Kong Polytechnic University in a violent standoff with police. BY mid-December, 6105 people were arrested, among whom nearly 40% were students, on third were minors.

旁白：一名香港居民被懷疑在台灣殺害了他的女朋友，之後他逃回了家。由於法律上的限制，他不能被轉移到台灣受審。2019年2月，一項允許將逃犯從香港，轉移到現有協議未涵蓋的司法管轄區的法案被提出。一些本地人和西方人抨擊該法案是中央政府轉移政治異議人士和侵蝕香港自由的措施。數以百計的抗議和暴力活動開始上演。19年6月，激進抗議者在香港市中心非法集會。行政長官林鄭月娥(carry Lam)暫停了該法案，但抗議和暴力仍在繼續。抗議者提出了更多要求，包括赦免所有被逮捕的抗議者，並且他們還要求林鄭月娥辭職。兩週後，立法會大樓遭到襲擊。月末，警方發現了一批威力巨大的自制爆炸物、汽油彈和腐蝕性液體，這是同類案件中規模最大的一起。(2019年8月)香港機場癱瘓數日。該法案在9月4日被正式撤回，但暴力繼續升級。暴徒破壞公共設施，洗劫企業，攻擊持有不同觀點的警察和普通羣眾。包括暴徒在內的抗議者還佔領了香港理工大學，與警方發生了暴力對峙。截至12月中旬，有6105人被捕，其中近40%是學生，三分之一是未成年人。

#3 What Do They Want? 他們想要什麼

Liu: Like ‘Ming’, countless of the generation grew up in Asia’s international city, and an epicenter of globalization. Despite the city’s affluence, they feel frustrated, dissatisfied and unhappy.

劉：就像‘明’一樣，無數的年輕人在這個亞洲國際化的城市長大。儘管這個城市很富裕，但他們依然感到沮喪、不滿和不快。

 Voiceover: Livelihood issues have long plagued Hong Kong. Wealth disparity is wide. Housing price is among the highest in the world. However, 15-year-old ‘Ming’ didn’t complain about bread and butter issues. He claims to be a ‘warrior’, or radical protesters who advocate violence in social movements. And he’s not alone, many as young as ‘Ming’ found themselves embroiled in this movement.

旁白：民生問題一直困擾着香港。貧富差距巨大，房價居於世界最高之列——然而，15歲明並沒為生計問題煩憂。他自稱是一名“戰士”，是在社會運動中倡導暴力的激進抗議者。他並不是一個人，很多像“明”一樣年輕的人捲入了這場運動。

 Liu: Aren’t you worried about being arrested?

Ming: Of course, I’m worried.

Liu: But…

Ming: But there’s a lot in the future if we win. If Hong Kong moves ahead without democracy, freedom and its core values, finding a job is useless.

劉：你不擔心被逮捕嗎?

明：當然，我很擔心。

劉：但是……

明：但是如果我們贏了，未來就有很多可能等着我們。如果香港在沒有民主、自由這些核心價值觀的情況下前行，我們找工作也毫無意義。

Voiceover: Under British colonial rule, Hong Kong people had no say about the city’s governance. They had few political rights in general. Since Hong Kong’s handover to Chinese rule, under the One Country, Two Systems framework, a democratic system has been established in the election of Chief Executive and legislators, to protect the basic rights and freedoms of Hong Kong residents, according to the law. In 2019, Hong Kong ranked 3rd globally on the Human Freedom Index compiled by Canada’s Fraser Institute. Its justice system was ranked 16th out of 126 economies (US ranked 20th) according to the World Justice Project. John Maguire has lived in Hong Kong for 28 years.

旁白:在英國殖民統治時期，香港人對城市的治理沒有發言權。他們幾乎沒有政治權利。迴歸祖國以來，香港在“一國兩制”的框架下，建立起了行政長官和立法會議員的民主選舉制度，依法保障香港居民的基本權利和自由。2019年，在加拿大弗雷澤研究所(Fraser Institute)編制的人類自由指數(Human Freedom Index)中，香港名列全球第三。根據這份報告，香港的司法系統在126個經濟體中排名第16位(美國排名第20位)

（採訪香港住民）

John Maguire: In Hong Kong, you know, under the British, there was no democracy. They only introduced it very late in the day before the handover. I think Hong Kong has got more democracy today than it has ever had in the past. For sure when people look back to the British rule, and some sort of glory period, I think that’s wrong.

John Maguire: 你知道，香港在英國統治下是沒有民主的。英國在同中國交接不久前才介紹他們的民主。我認為香港今天比以往任何時候都更民主。當然會有人回顧英國統治時期的制度與一些閃光時刻，但我認為那是錯誤的。

（採訪學者John Ross）

John Ross (Former Director of Economic and Business Policy for the Mayor of London): The British ruled Hong Kong for slightly over 150 years, and they never allowed the elections of governor once. Not in any form at all. Now you have the elections of the governor. When British run it, there is no election of the governor at all. This is complete hypocrisy.

John Ross (倫敦前市長經濟和商業政策主任)：英國人統治香港了150多年，他們從未允許過選舉總督。而現在香港人有了選舉特區行政長官的權利。當由英國人管理時，根本沒有這種選舉。（要求他們從未有過的民主）是非常虛偽可笑的。

Liu: ‘Ming’ and his peers clearly disagree. They believe that for the sake of democracy and freedom, violence is acceptable. Though their numbers are small, their involvement at such a young age has prompted concerns about the future of Hong Kong. How have they formed such radical views?

劉：“明”和他的同齡人顯然不同意這一點。他們認為，為了民主和自由，暴力是可以接受的。雖然他們的人數不多，但他們這麼年輕就參與其中，不禁讓人對香港的未來感到擔憂。他們怎麼會形成如此激進的觀點呢?

#4 Education 教育

Liu: So, do you see yourself as Chinese?

Ming: I am a Hong Kong from China. I am a Hong Konger.

Liu: Does your school raise the Chinese national flag?

Ming: Definitely. This is an Education Bureau requirement.

Liu: Do you know how to sing the Chinese natioanal anthem?

Ming: No.

劉：你認為自己是中國人嗎?

明：我是來自中國的香港人。我是香港人。

劉：學校升中國國旗嗎?

明：當然。這是教育局的要求。

劉：你知道怎麼唱中國國歌嗎?

明：不會。 

Voiceover: During the unrest, Chinese national symbols were desecrated time and again. A 13-year-old girl was sentenced to a 12-month probation for burning a Chinese national flag. The liaison Office of the Central People’s Government in Hong Kong was also violently targeted. 

旁白：在動亂期間，中國的國家象徵（國旗）一次又一次遭到褻瀆。一名13歲的女孩因焚燒中國國旗被判處12個月的緩刑。香港中央人民政府聯絡辦公室也遭到暴力襲擊。

Liu: ‘Ming’s’ fellow radical protesters had no qualms about desecrating national symbols. Clearly, they have strong political views against their country. As a mother of teenage children, I wonder what could have driven them into the storm of politics instead of the sea of knowledge?

劉：顯然，像“明”這樣的激進抗議者對褻瀆國家象徵是沒有任何顧慮的。毫無疑問，他們對自己的國家有強烈的政治觀點。作為一個十幾歲孩子的母親，我想知道是什麼驅使他們進入政治風暴，而不是知識的海洋?

(書店-教材）

Liu: I first went to this bookstore specializing in textbooks. I asked for some of the most popular versions used by middle schools in teaching Chinese history and liberal education. I noticed that China’s development has largely been overlooked, even belittled. This part says that on average, Chinese people 15 years and older receive only some 8 years of schooling. That’s 100 years behind the United States, it says. It totally ignored the stark reality that when the People’s Republic was founded in 1949, 80% of the population were illiterate.

劉：我首先去了一家專門買課本的書店。我詢問了在中學中用於教授中國歷史和文科教育時最常用的版本。我注意到，中國的發展在很大程度上是被忽視的，甚至遭到了貶低。（例如）這部分內容講的是，15歲以上的中國人平均只接受了8年的教育。它説這比美國落後100年。這完全無視了1949年中華人民共和國成立之時80%的人口是文盲這一嚴酷的現實。

Liu: This is a textbook about the 70 years since the People’s Republic of China was founded. It mainly examines this period of history through a political lens. What strikes me the most is that out of the 250 pages, only 4 pages were dedicated to the achievements of the most recent 4 decades of reform and opening-up.

劉：這是一本關於中華人民共和國成立70年的歷史教科書。但它主要從政治的角度來看待這段歷史。最讓我震驚的是，在250頁的篇幅中，只有4頁是用來介紹近40年也就是改革開放之後中國取得的成就的。

 (學校－採訪校長)

Liu: I visited Heung To Secondary School, one of the oldest local public schools. Principal Tang Fei highlighted the lack of standardization in educating students about China.

劉：我參觀了香土中學，它是當地最古老的公立學校之一。校長Tang Fei強調，有關中國的教育缺乏標準化。

Principal: This has led to schools deciding what to teach on their own. So students’ understanding of history and culture is fragmented and piecemeal.

校長：這導致學校自己決定教什麼。因此，學生對歷史和文化的理解是碎片化和片面的。

Voiceover:  According to Tang Fei, another key problem is the way exam papers are set, which sensitizes students to the strident political issues of the day. For example, this cartoon shows a protester being carried away by police. And students are asked to explain the advantages of the political demand the protester is fighting for.

旁白：據Tang Fei所説，另一個關鍵問題是考卷的編排方式，這使得學生們對當今尖鋭的政治問題非常敏感。例如，這幅漫畫顯示一名抗議者被警察帶走，而學生們被要求解釋抗議者所爭取的政治需求的優點。

Principal: So many teachers prefer opposition argument. It is a reality, it is a political reality in Hong Kong society. So, the opposition argument, especially the extreme argument, so-called ‘justice by law-breaking’, is transferred to every student.

校長：所以很多老師偏好批評反對的觀點。這是現實，是香港社會的政治現實。因此，反對的觀點，尤其是極端的觀點，所謂“違法的正義”，便被轉移到每個學生身上。

 Voiceover: Ironically, ‘justice by law-breaking’ was a concept raised by law scholar Benny Tai, a co-founder of the Occupy Central movement in 2014. That movement paralyzed parts of the city for 79 days. Benny Tai called on citizens to break the law in order to achieve so-called ‘justice’. In April 2019, he was convicted and sentenced for inciting public nuisance and inciting others to cause public nuisance. Benny Tai was an active contributor to educational materials used in the city.

旁白：具有諷刺意味的是，“違法的正義”是法律學者Benny Tai提出的一個概念。他是2014年佔中運動的聯合發起人之一。那次運動使該市部分地區癱瘓了79天。Benny Tai呼籲公民違法，實現所謂的“正義”。2019年4月，他被定罪並判刑，罪名是煽動公害和煽動他人制造公害。而Benny Tai卻是香港所使用的教育材料的積極貢獻者。

Principal: The young students get used to such an extreme argument and transfer the argument into concrete activities.

校長：年輕的學生習慣了這種極端的觀點，並將其轉化為具體的活動。

(採訪律師Maria Tam Wai-chu）

Voiceover: Maria Tam Wai-chu is a veteran Hong Kong lawyer.

旁白：Maria Tam Wai-chu是一位資深的香港律師。

Maria Tam Wai-chu (Deputy Director of the Basic Law Committee): At that young age, they don’t have to worry about bread and butter. Your dinner is on the table. So you’re looking for a role, a place that you can feel this is me, and I am important. And then somebody comes and tell you that oh, you can fight for justice, never mind the law, never mind the police. Never mind the fact that certain things will be broken. That is a real temptation.

Maria Tam Wai-chu (基本法委員會副主任)：他們這麼年輕，不用擔心生計問題。晚餐給他們擺在桌子上，所以他們在尋找一個角色，一個能讓他們感覺到他們存在的角色，來告訴自己他們很重要。然後真的有人來告訴他們，啊，你們在為正義而戰，不用擔心法律，不用擔心警察，不要在意某些東西會被破壞。這對他們來説是很大的誘惑。

Voiceover: In August, assistant school principal Alvin Tai said on social media he wished that the children of policemen who have used excessive force will die before 7 years old, or die an unnatural death before 20 years old should they already be 7 or older. What role have such teachers played? The Hong Kong Professional Teachers’ Union is the largest local teachers’ association. On August 17th, the union called on teachers to demonstrate while wearing black, in the name of protecting the next generation. Ip Kin-yuen, the union’s vice president, called on teachers to ‘forcibly express’ their aspirations.

旁白：8月份，助理校長Alvin Tai在社交媒體上説，他希望那些“過度使用武力的警察”的孩子在7歲之前死亡，如果他們已經7歲了，那便祝他們在20歲之前非正常死亡。這些教師發揮了什麼作用?香港教師專業協會是本港最大的教師協會。8月17日，工會號召教師們以保護下一代的名義，穿着黑色服裝進行示威。該協會副會長Alvin Tai呼籲教師們“用武力表達”自己的想法。

(採訪Ip Kin Yuen）

Liu: Are you as an educator, not willing to say, I denounce the use of violence, it’s okay if you use peaceful means, but you’re not willing to say I denounce violence?

劉：你是一個教育工作者，卻不願意説我譴責使用暴力。使用和平手段當然問題，但你不願意説我譴責暴力?

Ip Kin Yuen (Legislative Councilor, Vice-President, HK Professional Teachers’ Union): I oppose violence by any people, the young people. But the situation is we, I, should say police violence, if I, we should also include police violence here.

Ip Kin Yuen (葉建源，立法會議員、香港專業教師會副主席): 我反對任何人士，包括青年人使用暴力。但情況是，我們…我説的反對暴力也包含反對警察使用暴力。

 Liu: Ip appears not to be taking sides. Not calling on the students to boycott classes, but not actively asking them to go back to school.  That’s similar to some people’s attitude towards violence. Not supporting it, but not denouncing it actively either. How are the children supposed to make their own judgement?

劉：葉似乎沒有偏袒任何一方。沒有號召學生抵制上課，也沒有主動要求他們返校。這與一些人對待暴力的態度相似。不支持它，也不積極譴責它。孩子們應該如何做出自己的判斷呢?

#5 Information 信息

Liu: What news sources do you usually turn to?

Ming: Apple (Daily).

Liu: What about mobile websites?

Ming: Apple (Daily), Hong Kong 01. And many others.

劉：你平時都看什麼新聞?

明：蘋果(日報)。

劉：那手機網站呢?

明：蘋果(日報)，香港01。和許多其他人。

 Liu: Like most young people in Hong Kong, ‘Ming’ is an avid Apple Daily fan. Founded in 1994 by the Hong Kong tycoon Jimmy Lai, this newspaper is well-known for its anti-establishment views and its quite strong impact, but I was told its influence is felt mostly here (mobile phone).

劉：和大多數香港年輕人一樣，“明”也是《蘋果日報》的忠實粉絲。香港大亨黎智英(Jimmy Lai)於1994年創辦的這份報紙以其反建制觀點和相當強大的影響力而聞名，但我聽説它的影響力主要體現在這裏(手機)。

Voiceover: Jimmy Lai is considered by many as the most outspoken anti-government even anti-China figure in Hong Kong.

旁白：黎智英被許多人認為是香港最直言不諱的反政府人士，甚至是反華人士。

  ‘‘‘Jimmy Lai (Hong Kong Businessman): We are fighting the same war you have with China.’’’ 

“‘黎智英(香港商人)：我們也同你們一樣，在同中國打同樣的戰爭。’”

Voiceover: His Apple Daily is among the most influential media in the city. It has 2.7 million followers on Facebook. The Daily is believed to have played a key role in instigating the whole protest. One day after fugitive bill was gazetted, Apple Daily called the bill an ordinance that required one to be ‘deported to China’. Using impactful visuals, the Daily disseminated fear that under the bill, the mainland’s judicial system will be applied to Hong Kong, and that no one will be safe. It glossed over the scope of the bill and its explicit purpose of tackling crime. The bill will quickly be demonized.

旁白: 黎智英的《蘋果日報》是香港最有影響力的媒體之一。它在Facebook上有270萬粉絲。人們相信《蘋果日報》在煽動整個抗議活動中發揮了關鍵作用。在《逃亡法案》公佈一天後，《蘋果日報》稱該法案是要求某人被“強行引渡到中國”法令。《蘋果日報》藉由有力的視覺宣傳效果傳播着這樣的擔憂:根據該法案，內地的司法體系將適用於香港，沒有人會是安全的。而事實上，《蘋果日報》掩蓋了法案的適用範圍和旨在打擊犯罪的目的。法案也很快地被妖魔化。

Maria Tam Wai-chu: The messages cannot go through even if they have reasons nobody heard them properly, and nobody believe it properly. So the media that is anti-government has actually filled all the airspace in Hong Kong.

Maria Tam Wai-chu: 即便立得住腳，真實得信息卻無法傳遞表達，沒人相信，人們在曲解這項法案。香港所有的輿論陣地都被反政府的媒體佔據着。

Voiceover: Yet another target: the police. In the 2018 police reliability ranking published by the World Economic Forum, Hong Kong police ranked 8th among 137 economies in the world. But on Apple Daily and on social media, the Hong Kong police are customarily described as an evil force of brutality. Private information of police officers and their family members have been exposed online, threatening their personal safety.

旁白：還有一個目標:警察。在世界經濟論壇發佈的2018年警察可靠性排名中，香港警察在全球137個經濟體中排名第8。但在《蘋果日報》(Apple Daily)和社交媒體上，香港警方卻通常被描述為一支殘暴的邪惡力量。警方及其家人的個人信息在網上被曝光，威脅到他們的人身安全。

Kevin Zeese(US Political Activist): Compared to what we see in the United States, in reaction to the Occupied Movement, in reaction to some of the protests against pipelines and oil and gas infrastructure, in comparison Hong Kong is quite restrained.

凱文·澤斯(美國政治活動家)：同我們在美國看到的對佔領運動的反應，以及對針對管道和油氣基礎設施的抗議的反應相比，香港（警察）的反應相當剋制了。

 Liu: I visited the Hong Kong police headquarters. Alex was cut with a blade in the neck while on duty in October. The suspect was reported to be an 18-year-old.

劉：我拜訪了香港警察總部。去年10月，Alex在執行任務時被人用刀片割傷了脖子。據報道，嫌疑人是一名18歲的青年。

 (採訪受傷警察）

Alex(Injured Policeman): When we were ready to leave, I felt my right neck was poked by someone. When I turned right and look down, I saw the person who attacked me, holding a weapon, and sliding backward. My vein and vagus nerve were severed.

Liu: Have you ever wondered why this person attacked you from behind? Because you didn’t do anything to him at that moment. 

Alex: Some people in Hong Kong have no ability to think independently. They take extreme actions under the influence of certain people. 

Alex (受傷的警察)：當我們準備離開的時候，我感覺我的右脖子被人戳了一下。當我向右轉，向下看時，我看到了那個襲擊我的人拿着武器，向後溜。我的靜脈和迷走神經被切斷了。

劉：你有沒有想過為什麼這個人會從背後襲擊你?你當時沒有對他做任何事。

Alex：香港有些人沒有獨立思考的能力。在某些人的影響下，他們採取了極端的行動。

Liu: Alex’s wife told me she’s depressed by the overwhelming negativity portrayed on the media against the police.

Alex’s wife: It makes me very unhappy, as if we have become an isolated group. I don’t want to let my kids see this kind of things either.

劉：Alex的妻子告訴我，媒體對警察的負面報道讓她很沮喪。

Alex的妻子：這讓我很不開心，好像我們成了一個孤立的羣體。我也不想讓我的孩子看到這種事情。

Voiceover: Apple Daily reported on Alex’s injury but as part of as series called the ‘Fight against Brutality’. Police are not the only ones being targeted. Ordinary people have also been attacked, including Chinese mainlanders and local residents. However, key figures behind the protest have refrained from publicly denouncing such violence. They believe that’s the only way for their voices including political demands to be heeded.

旁白：蘋果日報報道了Alex的受傷的新聞，但卻被列入 了“與暴行的鬥爭” 系列報道的一部分。警察並不是唯一的目標。包括中國大陸居民和當地居民在內的普通民眾也遭到了襲擊。然而，抗議活動背後的關鍵人物沒有公開譴責此類暴力行為。他們認為，這是他們發出的政治要求的聲音所得到重視的唯一途徑。

 ‘‘‘Jimmy Lai: When I saw kids, went to the front and confront the police, I was very touched. I admire them. ’’’

‘‘‘黎智文:當我看到孩子們走到警察面前時，我非常感動。我欽佩他們。’’’

(採訪港中大教授）

Voiceover: Lau Siu-kai is emeritus professor of sociology at the Chinese University of Hong Kong.

Lau Siu Kai (Emeritus Professor): Due to their political ambitions, they’ve continually encouraged the young to openly fight for referendums, independence and separatism. With no sense of affinity for or knowledge of the country and the people, it’s easy for the young to feel that they are rescuing Hong Kong. This sentiment, together with the opposition media, who praise the young as heroes, gave rise to a feeling of heroism.

旁白：Lau Siu-kai 是香港中文大學社會學名譽教授。

Lau Siu Kai (名譽教授)：出於政治野心，他們一直鼓勵年輕人公開地為公投、獨立和分離主義而鬥爭。由於對國家和人民沒有親切感，也不瞭解他們，年輕人很容易覺得他們是在拯救香港。這種情緒再加上反對派媒體把年輕人奉為英雄，年輕人們產生了一種英雄主義的感覺。

Voiceover: This sense of heroism is reinforced by the extraordinary amount of reports on the Western media. US media watchdog FAIR published a study in December of reporting by New York Times and CNN of four major protest movements around the world: Hong Kong, Ecuador, Haiti and Chile. It found that protesters in Hong Kong are always referred to as ‘pro-democracy protesters’ or activists, even after violence flared.

旁白：西方媒體的大量報道增強了這種英雄主義的感覺。去年12月，美國媒體監督機構FAIR發佈了一份研究報告——報告分析了《紐約時報》(New York Times)和美國有線電視新聞網(CNN)報道的全球四大抗議活動。這四大抗議活動分別是香港、厄瓜多爾、海地和智利。調查發現，即便發生了暴力行為，香港的抗議者也總是被稱為“支持民主的抗議者”或積極分子。

 ‘‘‘Lawrence Ma, Chairman (Hong Kong Legal Exchange Foundation): I think it’s not where you are but what is the cause of the protest. If the cause of the protest is for a cause that is in alignment with the United States’ interest, then those protesters no matter how violent they are, they’d be called peaceful demonstrators and freedom fighters.’’’

‘‘‘香港法律交流基金會主席Lawrence Ma：“我認為問題不在於抗議者在哪裏，而在於抗議的起因是什麼。如果抗議的原因是為了與美國利益一致的事業，那麼不管這些抗議者有多暴力，他們都會被稱為和平示威者和自由戰士。”’’’

#6 Undercurrents 暗流

Liu: Let me ask you. If you’d have to buy those masks, those gas masks, and helmets, you’d have to spend quite a lot of money, right?

Ming: Definitely.

Liu: Where did you get so much money from? How much did you spend?

Ming: Some equipment is donated to me. Some shops receive monetary donations from residents who’d leave money with them. Then when young people come to buy, they’d sometimes give it for free.

劉：我想問問你——你要買那些防毒面具，防毒面具和頭盔，得花很多錢，對吧?

明：當然。

劉：你從哪裏弄到這麼多錢?你花了多少錢?

明：一些設備是捐贈給我的。一些商店接受居民的貨幣“捐贈”。居民會把錢放在那裏，當年輕人來買東西的時候，他們有時會免費贈送。

Voiceover: In the minds of many, the protest movement has clearly received more than just public donations. Former Hong Kong Court of Final Appeal judge, Henry Litton said in a November interview on Hong Kong media:

旁白:在許多人的心目中，抗議活動顯然不只是得到了公眾的捐款。前香港終審法院法官Henry Litton去年11月接受香港媒體採訪時説:

(採訪Henry Litton)

Henry Litton (Former HK Court of Final Appeal Judge): It would surprise me if at least those on the frontline, they call themselves warriors or whatever you’d like to call them, are not paid. Because how do they sustain this? Not only paid, but I suspect, if that was so, heavily paid to enable them to actually go out in risk, time and time again.

Henry Litton (前香港終審法院法官)：如果那些在前線的人，那些稱自己為戰士，或者隨便你怎麼稱呼他們——如果他們是沒有報酬的，我會非常驚訝。沒有錢他們又是如何維持這種狀態的?不僅是悠長的，並且我懷疑應當有大額的工資讓他們一次又一次地冒險。

 (採訪John Maguire)

John Maguire (Former Chairman, Hong Kong Security & Investment Institute): Personally, I see this is as part of the trade war. I think that the protesters have got their concerns, but I think that, that has been fueled and paid for by American money.

John Maguire (香港證券投資學會前主席)：我個人認為這是貿易戰的一部分。抗議者已經得到了他們的關注。但我認為這是美國資助的。

Voiceover: The National Endowment for Democracy is an American NGO. A search on its website revealed that it has been funding Hong Kong organizations ($1,804,153) in the name of strengthening democracy and human rights protection. And this may just be the tip of the iceberg. Michael Pillsbury, a former senior US official spoke of American involvement in Hong Kong in a 2014 interview. 

旁白:國家民主基金會是一個美國的非政府組織。在其網站上的搜索結果顯示，它一直在以加強民主和人權保護的名義資助香港組織(1,804,153美元)。這可能只是冰山一角。美國前高級官員 Michael Pillsbury在2014年的一次採訪中談到了美國在香港的參與角色。

‘‘‘Michael Pillsbury (Former Senior US Official): We have a large consulate there, that’s in charge with charge with taking care of the Hong Kong Policy Act passed by Congress to ensure democracy in Hong Kong. We also have funded millions of dollars in programs to the National Endowment for Democracy to help democracy in Hong Kong so in that sense the Chinese accusation is not totally false.’’’

‘‘‘Michael Pillsbury (前美國高級官員)：我們在那裏有一個很大的領事館，負責處理國會通過的香港政策法案，以確保香港的民主。我們還為國家民主基金會(National Endowment for Democracy)的項目提供了數百萬美元的資金，以幫助香港實現民主。從這個意義上説，中國的指責並非完全錯誤’’’

Voiceover: Local figures have been closely interacting with foreign politicians and entities for years and often out in the open. 

旁白：多年來，當地的人物一直與外國政客和實體保持着密切的聯繫，而且經常是公開的。

Liu: Ta Kung Pau reported that key opposition figures here schmoozing with a representative of the National Democratic Institute, an American NGO that has been sanctioned by China for interfering in Hong Kong affairs. One of the foreign participants was reported to have been overheard to say, ’now it is not the time to change the direction of the street movement’. Jimmy Lai was also mentioned here. So far, nobody came out to refute the report.

劉:據《大公報》報道，香港的主要反對派人物與美國非政府組織“國家民主研究所”的一名代表進行了交談。這是一家因干涉香港事務而受到中國的制裁的非政府組織。據報道，一名外國參與者無意中聽到他説:“現在還不是改變街頭運動方向的時候。”這裏也提到了黎智文。到目前為止，還沒有人出來反駁這個報告。

Voiceover: For years, these figures have been soliciting even requesting US’s interference. Martin Lee, founder of the Hong Kong Democratic Party said, ‘The US government has a moral obligation to speak justly for the people of Hong Kong…’ US politicians have hardly been restrained in their reactions. US Vice President Mike Pence said in October: ‘We stand with you. We are inspired by you.’ His message was amplified time and again on Apple Daily, greatly emboldening the protesters. In November 2019, Washington passed the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act. The act requires Washington to monitor Beijing’s action in Hong Kong. It authorizes sanctions on persons ‘undermining fundamental freedoms and autonomy in Hong Kong.’ The act even allows visas to be granted to protesters who’ve been arrested. Apple Daily immediately hailed the act as ‘won through blood and tears’.

旁白：多年來，這些人物一直在懇求甚至要求美國的干涉。香港民主黨(Hong Kong Democratic Party)創始人李柱銘(Martin Lee)説，美國政府在道義上有義務為香港人民説公道話……美國政界人士的反應幾乎沒有受到過限制。美國副總統邁克·彭斯(Mike Pence)去年10月曾表示：“我們與你們站在一起。我們被你鼓舞了。”他的言論在《蘋果日報》(Apple Daily)上被反覆放大，極大鼓舞了抗議者。2019年11月，華盛頓通過了《香港人權和民主法案》。該法案要求華盛頓監督北京在香港的行動，授權制裁破壞香港基本自由和自治的人士。該法案甚至允許向被捕的抗議者發放簽證。《蘋果日報》當即稱讚這一舉動是“用鮮血和淚水贏得的”。

Lau Siu Kai(Emeritus Professor): The United states politicians want to encourage or empower the Hong Kong protesters, particularly those who are violent, to sustain the terrible situation in Hong Kong so as to make Hong Kong, into a pawn against China to weaken Hong Kong’s economic value to China and to use Hong Kong in the long run as a factor to contain China’s rise.

Lau Siu Kai (名譽教授)：美國政治家想要鼓勵或授權香港抗議者,特別是那些暴力示威者，使香港維持這樣糟糕的情況,使香港變成一個對付中國的棋子，削弱香港對中國的經濟價值，從而利用香港，在長期上抑制中國崛起。

Voiceover: What does all this mean for young people such as ‘Ming’? 

旁白:所有這些對明這樣的年輕人來説意味着什麼？

Maria Tam Wai-chu: It’s purely a matter of one group of more mature ‘criminals’ making use of youngsters because of their enthusiasm, because of their purity of thought, to become their political tool, and the outcome and idea is for these mature politicians to take over from the existing Hong Kong government. Hong Kong is so close to China, if Hong Kong becomes a government which ideology is totally against one country, and only work for two systems of which is only the capitalistic system part, then it will affect the rest of China. So, this is the way I look at this, what I call color revolution.

Maria Tam Wai-chu：這出鬧劇是一波成熟的“罪犯”在利用不成熟的年輕人——由於他們的熱情，思想的純潔，致使他們輕易成為了政治工具。這些出自老練的政治家的行為和想法最終目的是為了接管現有的香港政府。香港是如此的接近中國，如果香港成為完全反對“一國”，只為資本主義的“兩制”服務的意識形態的政府，那麼它將會影響到中國的其他部分。這就是我看待這個問題的方式，我把它稱為“顏色革命”。

Voiceover: On November. 24th 2019, Hong Kong held the 6th District Council elections, the lowest level local elections. Five months into the unrest, the elections which should have focused on livelihood issues turned out be heavily politicized. A host of opposition candidates, who condoned violence, have been elected. They won the great majority of the 452 seats up for grabs, or 57% of the votes. 40% of the votes went to the pro-government camp, who campaigned on the message of no violence. 

旁白：2019年11月24日，香港舉行了第六屆區議會選舉，這是最低級別的地方選舉。動亂已經持續了5個月，原本應該關注民生問題的選舉結果卻被嚴重政治化。許多寬容暴力的反對派候選人當選。他們贏得了452個席位中的絕大多數——57%的選票。40%的選票投給了親政府陣營，他們的競選口號是“不要暴力”。

（採訪選民）

Reporter: Do you think the election result reflected the opinion of the people?

Helen and Wilson (Hong Kong Residents): Young people.

Reporter: Only the young?

Wilson: This girl (who won the local election), only talking about politics. 

Helen: So we are very sad. Because we can’t help it. 

​Wilson: We can do nothing.

記者：您認為選舉結果是否反映了民意?

Helen and Wilson  (香港居民):年輕人的民意。

記者：只有年輕人嗎?

Wilson：這個女孩(贏得了地方選舉)，只談論政治。

Helen：所以我們很難過。因為我們沒辦法。

Wilson：我們無能為力。

Liu: The city’s economy has taken a heavy toll. Visitor numbers dropped by almost half. The economy was plunged into a technical recession, the first time in over a decade. As I bid farewell to ‘Ming’, I asked him to take care of himself and his city. But what awaits him next? Calls have been made on the young people to secure the next Legislative Council election in September 2020. What further chaos even violence lies ahead for this beautiful city? Right before Christmas, as I was about to leave, I found myself on the sidelines of a protest. （Chaos)

劉：這個城市的經濟已經付出了沉重的代價。遊客數量下降了近一半。經濟陷入了十多年來首次的技術性衰退。當我告別“明”時，我請他照顧好自己和他的城市。但是接下來等待他的是什麼呢?市民已呼籲年青人在2020年9月舉行的下一次立法會選舉中投票。這個美麗的城市還會有什麼混亂甚至暴力呢?就在聖誕節前夕，我打算離開的時候，我發現自己正在一場抗議活動的旁邊。(混亂)

Liu: Another protest right outside of City Hall where protesters are waving American flags. And riot police are standing by. It seems this kind of scene will continue to feature here for the foreseeable future. At the end of my interview with ‘Ming’, he told me ’ see you on the site of another protest’. Well, I hope he was only joking. Because his future must not be a joke. Neither can it be that of Hong Kong’s.

劉：另一場抗議活動就在市政廳外舉行，抗議者們揮舞着美國國旗，防暴警察正在待命。在可以預見的未來，這種場景似乎還會繼續出現。在我採訪“明”的最後，他告訴我“在另一個抗議現場再見吧”。我希望他只是在開玩笑。因為他的未來不能是一個笑話——也不能是香港的。