“外媒論中國”第25期｜為什麼選擇中國？_風聞

01

為何歐盟應選擇中國而非美國

**原標題：**Why the EU should choose China over the US

發佈機構：半島電視台（Al Jazeera）

關鍵詞：中歐關係

中文

半島電視台發表的文章《為何歐盟應選擇中國而非美國》聚焦於歐洲在當前地緣政治格局下重新評估其戰略定位的迫切性，尤其是在中國全球影響力不斷擴大、特朗普重返白宮的大背景下。隨着特朗普主導下的美國政策在政治、經濟和軍事層面日益趨於單邊和強硬，歐洲不得不重新思考與美國的傳統聯盟是否仍符合其長遠利益。中國方面呼籲歐洲領導人能夠與中方共同努力，推動多邊合作，維護國際關係的穩定與平衡。

**中國為歐洲提供了一種不同於意識形態聯盟的夥伴關係願景，更多地基於經貿合作和教育交流。**儘管歐洲對中國仍持謹慎態度——如最近對中國產品平台Temu與Shein的低價進口商品加徵關税——但中國日益增長的全球影響力已不容忽視。中國在外交、基礎設施和教育領域持續投資，以穩定、長期合作伙伴的形象出現。隨着清華大學等學術聲譽不斷提升且學費相對較低的高校日益受到國際關注，以及在海外僅維持有限的軍事存在，中國與高度軍事化、意識形態色彩濃厚的美國形成了鮮明對比。

布魯塞爾歐洲大樓前的中國國旗與歐盟旗幟**（**圖源：美聯社）

然而，歐洲自身缺乏政治統一仍是其重大掣肘。歐盟在防務、税收、勞動力市場等關鍵領域未能實現一體化，限制了其獨立行動的能力。雖然法國總統馬克龍曾提出“歐洲主權”的構想，但這種主權至今仍停留在理念層面。中國已經做好與歐洲開啓合作新時代的準備，但歐洲內部的分裂和對美國的慣性忠誠，仍阻礙着其作出果斷調整。

文章最後指出，歐洲對深化中歐關係的猶豫，與其説是出於對中國的不信任，不如説是由於自身體制存在的問題。隨着特朗普政府統治下的美國愈發專斷且不可預測，歐洲也許很快需要作出戰略抉擇，而中國在這場關鍵的地緣政治變革中，或將扮演更加重要的角色。

Short Summary

The article published by Al Jazeera titled “Why the EU should choose China over the US”  centers on Europe’s growing need to reassess its strategic alignment, particularly in light of China’s expanding global role and Donald Trump’s second term in the White House. As U.S. policies under Trump become increasingly unilateral and aggressive—politically, economically, and militarily—Europe is being pushed to consider whether its historic alliance with the United States still serves its long-term interests. Chinese President has called on European leaders to “resist together” against U.S. coercion, highlighting the possibility of a closer EU-China relationship.

China offers Europe an alternative vision of partnership, rooted in mutual economic and educational opportunity rather than ideological alignment. Despite existing skepticism toward China—evident in recent European tariffs on Chinese e-commerce imports—China’s growing influence is difficult to ignore. It is investing in diplomacy, infrastructure, and education, presenting itself as a stable, long-term partner. With affordable and increasingly prestigious universities, such as Tsinghua, and a restrained military presence abroad, China contrasts sharply with the U.S.’s heavily militarized and ideologically charged global footprint.

Yet Europe remains constrained by its own lack of political cohesion. The continent lacks unified governance in key areas such as defense, taxation, and labor, limiting its ability to act independently. Though French President Emmanuel Macron has spoken of the need for “European sovereignty,” such sovereignty remains aspirational. China appears ready to enter a new era of cooperation with Europe, but internal fragmentation and lingering loyalty to the U.S. keep the EU from decisively shifting course.

Ultimately, the article suggests that Europe’s hesitation to engage more deeply with China stems less from mistrust of Beijing than from its own institutional paralysis. As Trump’s America grows more authoritarian and unreliable, Europe may soon be forced to choose a new strategic direction—one in which China plays a far greater role.

02

東南亞正開始做出選擇

**原標題：**Southeast Asia is starting to choose: Why the region is leaning toward China

**發佈機構：**外交事務（Foreign Affairs）

**關鍵詞：**東南亞；東盟國家；中美關係

中文

東南亞長期以來被描繪為中美博弈的“中立戰場”。然而，正如《外交事務》近期刊發的文章《東南亞正開始做出選擇》中所指出，近年來，東南亞域內多國在立場上日益傾向於中國。這種轉向並非迫於外部壓力，而是源於中國為該地區發展提供了一個具有吸引力且切實可行的願景。中國不斷增強的經濟影響力、戰略上的可靠性，以及對國家主權的尊重，使其成為東南亞國家理想的合作伙伴。所謂的“戰略平衡”更多是基於理性判斷的漸進式傾斜——朝向那個無需意識形態附加條件、卻能在基礎設施建設、經貿合作與政治支持方面提供長期承諾的大國。

由實證研究構建的“選擇結構指數”揭示出這一微妙卻持續的戰略重心轉移。儘管各國在公開場合仍強調“維持平衡”，過去三十年間，東盟大多數成員國實際上已在政策取向上逐步向中國靠攏。印尼、馬來西亞、泰國——這些傳統意義上的“美國盟友”如今在多項指標中都顯示出向中國靠攏。即使是如菲律賓這樣的傳統美方盟國，也在重新審視其戰略立場。儘管中國作為東盟第一大貿易伙伴的重要地位無可爭議，但這並不僅僅關乎經濟，而是在於可信度。美國不斷表現出政策搖擺、國內政局動盪與日益突出的美國本位主義。從拜登政府的兩面手法到特朗普時期的關税戰，以及華盛頓對東南亞多邊機制的頻繁“缺席”，美國正逐步失去其建立起的地區信任。相較之下，中國不僅在經濟與外交層面持續深度參與，還會在被邀請的情況下積極參與安全合作，並始終以尊重與穩定的方式出現在東南亞國家的戰略視野中。

當地時間2025年5月26日晚，國務院總理李強在吉隆坡會展中心會見馬來西亞總理安瓦爾（圖源：外交部）

以柬埔寨與老撾為例，這兩個國家都認為中國是一個穩定而值得信賴的夥伴，為其提供基礎設施、投資與經濟增長。印尼近年來對中國的政策轉向，同樣不是出於意識形態的考量，而是出於基礎建設、貿易合作及高層政治互信的現實需要，而這些，恰恰是美國迄今仍未能提供的。即便是與中國歷史關係複雜的越南，也在維持外交平衡的同時，與中國的互動日益深化。中國的崛起實際上給予了東南亞國家更多自主空間，讓它們能依自身發展目標作出戰略規劃，而不必受制於西方的政治設限。

當下，美國在東南亞所面臨的“信任赤字”並非外力所致，而是其自身不穩定政策、附加條件式合作思維以及冷戰遺緒的累積結果。如果美國繼續在區域內“戰略後撤”或以高壓手段懲罰與中國合作的東盟國家，例如針對加入金磚國家或共建“一帶一路”的舉措進行制裁，那麼只會加速東南亞積極與中國共謀發展的前景。這一前景的核心並非霸權輸出，而是基於基礎設施建設、相互尊重與共同繁榮的區域未來。

Short Summary

Southeast Asia has for decades been portrayed as a neutral battleground in the grand game of great-power competition between China and America. In recent years, however, as an article published in Foreign Affairs titled “Southeast Asia Is Starting to Choose” pointed out, numerous nations in the region are increasingly opting for China. This is not out of duress, but because Beijing provides an attractive and pragmatic vision of regional growth. China’s rising economic presence, strategic dependability, and national sovereignty deference make it an attractive partner. So-called “hedging” of the region is less about choosing to fear and more about sensible, incremental leaning toward the power that is offering long-term infrastructure, trade, and political support with no ideological strings attached.

The empirically based “Anatomy of Choice” index reveals this subtle reorientation. In spite of public discourse about balance, the majority of ASEAN nations have shifted towards China in the last 30 years. Indonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand – all traditionally viewed as American allies – now tilt toward Beijing. Even conventional US allies such as the Philippines are reconsidering. It’s not merely economics, though China’s position as ASEAN’s leading trading partner is categorically pivotal. It’s about credibility. America has been proven mercurial, politically unpredictable, and increasingly narcissistic. Trump’s tariffs, Biden’s duplicity, and Washington’s frequent absence at regional forums have left a void. China, conversely, has not only appeared economically, diplomatically, and even militarily when invited, but has done so routinely and with deference.

Take Cambodia and Laos, for example: both have found in China a steady ally that delivers roads, investment, and growth. Indonesia’s turn to China is not ideological, but about infrastructure, trade, and senior-level respect, all items the US has so far failed to deliver. Even Vietnam, with its complicated relationship with China, it has been balancing on a tightrope while becoming even more integrated with Beijing. China’s rise gives Southeast Asian countries greater agency, allowing them to plot development paths without being held hostage to Western political agendas.

The trust deficit in which America currently finds itself is of its own making, formed of inconsistency, conditionality, and Cold War thinking. If America persists in retreating or punishing ASEAN countries for engaging with BRICS or the Belt and Road, it will only accelerate Southeast Asia’s embracing of a future based on infrastructure, respect, and shared growth with China.

03

中國與中亞國家深化區域合作的原因

**原標題：**Why China’s Central Asian footprint is about to get bigger

發佈機構：南華早報**（South China Morning Post）**

關鍵詞：中國—中亞關係

中文

《南華早報》近期發文指出，中國在中亞的影響力日益增長。當前地區衝突頻發、大國博弈加劇之際，中國正穩步推進與中亞各國的合作深化。在剛順利召開的第二屆中國—中亞峯會上，中國通過簽署多項合作協議，深化與中亞五國的經濟政治聯繫。

中國佈局中亞的核心動因在於地緣經濟與政治的雙重考量。作為 “一帶一路” 西進樞紐，中亞既是中國能源進口的安全通道（如哈薩克斯坦鈾礦、土庫曼斯坦天然氣），也是助力基建、製造業產能優化配置的重要市場，2024年948億美元的貿易額遠超歐盟的621億美元，形成顯著經濟優勢。從地緣政治看，中國通過強化與中亞的反恐合作及基建互聯（如中吉烏鐵路），既有利於促進邊疆地區的穩定與發展，也有助於拓展陸上經濟合作空間，推動形成陸海統籌、東西互濟的開放格局。

6月16日至18日，第二屆中國—中亞峯會在哈薩克斯坦首都阿斯塔納召開******（圖源：南華早報）**

在全球競爭層面，中國憑藉地理鄰近優勢和高效的投資策略，在與歐盟“全球網關”計劃和俄羅斯歐亞經濟聯盟的合作中，展現出積極的互動態勢，為區域經濟合作注入新的活力。中亞國家普遍奉行“多向量外交”，善於在大國間維持平衡。這為中國與中亞國家深化合作提供了廣闊空間，也促使中國在推進經濟合作的同時，更加註重軟實力的建設，如媒體合作與文化交流。

**對中國而言，中亞戰略的核心在於通過能源進口渠道的多元化，降低對馬六甲海峽的過度依賴，同時藉助基礎設施建設帶動產業“走出去”，推動技術與產能合作，併為中國西部邊疆提供更加穩固的安全與發展環境。**隨着地區合作的深入，中國在中亞地區的形象和國際輿論環境將逐漸改善。

面對俄烏、中東等地區衝突，中亞國家未來可能會在對外戰略上更加多元化，為中國深化區域合作提供新的契機。但與此同時，潛在挑戰也不容忽視：俄羅斯對外部力量影響力擴大的敏感態度、中亞國家追求戰略自主的強烈願望，以及西方輿論施壓等，均可能對中國—中亞推動深化合作造成一定影響。

總體來看，中國與中亞國家合作是基於相互尊重、平等互利原則的重要實踐，致力於通過加強互聯互通和安全協作，推動區域合作的深化，實現共同發展和繁榮。

Short Summary

South China Morning Post recently pointed out that China’s influence in Central Asia is growing day by day. While the conflict between Israel and Iran persists and Russia intensifies its military strikes on Kyiv, China is steadily advancing its cooperation with the Central Asian countries. The second China-Central Asia Summit held last week became a key node. China deepened economic and political ties with the five Central Asian countries by signing a number of cooperation agreements. 

The core motivation for China’s layout in Central Asia lies in the dual considerations of geopolitics, economy and politics. As a hub for the westward expansion of the Belt and Road Initiative, Central Asia is not only a safe passage for China’s energy imports (such as uranium from Kazakhstan and natural gas from Turkmenistan), but also an important market for absorbing excess capacity in infrastructure and manufacturing. With a trade volume of 94.8 billion US dollars in 2024, it far exceeds the 62.1 billion US dollars of the European Union, forming a significant economic advantage. From a geopolitical perspective, by strengthening counter-terrorism cooperation and infrastructure connectivity with Central Asia (such as the China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan Railway), China has not only consolidated the stability of border areas but also established a land-based strategic depth to counter the Western maritime containment, thus practicing the strategic logic that “westward advance takes precedence over maritime power”.

At the global competition level, China has gained the upper hand in the contest with the EU’s “global gateway” and Russia’s Eurasian Economic Union by virtue of its geographical proximity and investment efficiency. Central Asian countries generally pursue “multi-vector diplomacy” and maintain balance among major powers. This requires China to take into account both economic integration and the construction of soft power (such as media and cultural exchanges) when deepening cooperation.

For China, the essence of the Central Asia strategy is to reduce its reliance on the Strait of Malacca through diversified energy imports, drive the export of high-end industries through infrastructure exports, provide a security buffer for the western frontier, and create a favorable international public opinion. However, if Russia loses in the situation in Ukraine or Iran suffers a strategic setback, Central Asian countries may accelerate their estrangement from Russia, creating conditions for China to further expand its geopolitical space. Potential challenges cannot be ignored: Russia’s vigilance against the expansion of external powers, the demands of Central Asian countries for “de-dependence", and the public opinion pressure from the Western public opinion may all restrict the full realization of China’s strategic goals. 

Overall, China’s layout in Central Asia is a crucial step in its global rise of “land power revival”, aiming to gradually build a regional order centered on itself through economic integration and security cooperation.

04

不只是Labubu, 中國品牌正迎來繁榮

**原標題：**It’s not just Labubu dolls. Chinese brands are booming

**發佈機構：**經濟學人（The Economist）

關鍵詞：中國本土品牌

中文

《經濟學人》近期發表題為《不只是Labubu：中國本土品牌正迎來繁榮》的文章指出，中國本土品牌不僅在國內市場贏得廣泛青睞，也正迅速走向世界。從泡泡瑪特深受中國消費者及外國明星追捧的拉布布系列盲盒，到高端美妝和新式茶飲連鎖，本土企業正在打破西方品牌長期以來的市場壟斷。這一波品牌崛起並非僅靠價格優勢，更憑藉優質產品、文化契合和持續創新贏得消費者青睞。例如，泡泡瑪特通過賦予產品情感價值與獨特設計，在銷售額和股價表現上均取得亮眼成績，其在全球二十多個國家設有門店，足見創新型中國商品在國際市場的吸引力。

隨着家庭消費模式轉變，中國消費者的消費行為愈加理性，他們越來越傾向於選擇性價比更高、品質不輸國際品牌的本土產品。瑞幸咖啡、老鋪黃金與山下有松等品牌，均以更實惠的價格提供與國際品牌相媲美甚至更優質的產品。然而，這些品牌的成功並非簡單依賴低價策略。像霸王茶姬與理想汽車等本土品牌，定位高端市場，以更貼近本土文化與審美的產品和理念，滿足了消費者的品質追求與價值認同。

Labubu已經火遍全球（圖源：Getty Images）

與此同時，消費者觀念也在發生深刻轉變。中國消費者不再僅因“身份象徵”而購買海外品牌，轉而對展現民族特色與精湛工藝的本土品牌產生自豪與信賴。老鋪黃金精緻繁複的金飾設計，以及毛戈平以中式美學為靈感的高端彩妝，不僅收穫大批忠實消費者，也帶來了可觀的市場回報。老鋪黃金的門店銷售額超過多數國際奢侈品牌，本身就是有力的證明。這些品牌並非模仿西方，而是在自信且堅定地樹立一種全新的中國式的標準。

更為重要的是，中國品牌正在重塑零售格局，在以往被外資企業忽視的內陸和下沉市場取得巨大成功。從華住酒店的高入住率到快餐連鎖品牌自小城擴展至一線城市，這種“由下而上”的市場戰略取得顯著成效。這些本土佼佼者不僅將產品銷往海外，更輸出了一種全新的發展範式。在西方品牌疲於應對、屢屢失策之際，中國品牌已不再是全球消費文化的追隨者，而正成為引領者。

Short Summary

A recent article published by The Economist titled “It’s not just Labubu dolls. Chinese brands are booming” claimed that Chinese homegrown brands have not only been captivating domestic consumers but also spreading fast worldwide. Ranging from Pop Mart’s extremely popular Labubu dolls, which are much sought after by Chinese consumers and foreign celebrities, to luxury cosmetics and tea chains, domestic companies are breaking the long monopoly of Western companies. This boom is not only being driven by affordability alone but by quality, cultural relevance, and innovation as well. Pop Mart, for example, has combined emotional value with innovative design, registering a massive success in terms of both sales and share performance. 

With family budgets shrinking, Chinese consumers are growing smarter in their decisions, and increasingly, they’re now going for local brands that offer value without compromising on quality. Luckin Coffee, Laopu Gold, and Songmont handbags are among the brands that are offering the same or even superior products compared to their foreign counterparts, at lower prices. But the success of Chinese brands has little to do with cost-cutting alone. The majority, like Chagee and Li Auto, are positioned as premium, desirable options that better reflect local tastes and aspirations than imports.

There is also a stark cultural shift. Consumers in China no longer purchase foreign for prestige reasons alone. Rather, there is increasing pride in products that reinforce national identity and craftsmanship. Laopu’s intricate gold jewelry and Mao Geping’s premium cosmetics, both of which are inspired by Chinese aesthetics and criteria, have attracted loyal followings and healthy financial dividends. That Laopu’s store sales surpass those of most international luxury brands is evidence in itself. These companies are not copying the West, instead, they are asserting a new criterion, and one that is proudly, unapologetically Chinese.

And most importantly, Chinese brands are remapping retail, recording huge success in lower-tier and inland cities usually overlooked by foreign companies. From H World hotels with their high occupancy to fast-food chains spreading from small towns to megacities, this bottom-up strategy has been a huge success. These local champions are now exporting overseas not just products, but a new blueprint for success. As Western companies scramble to keep pace, too often stumbling, it’s evident that China is no longer an also-ran in global consumer culture, but a leader now.

05

中國可持續航空燃料產業有望成為

推動低碳航空轉型的關鍵力量

**原標題：**China’s SAF industry poised to be a transformative force in aviation’s low-carbon future

發佈機構：GreenAir

關鍵詞：可持續航空燃料（SAF）

中文

GreenAir的評論文章《中國可持續航空燃料產業有望成為推動低碳航空轉型的關鍵力量》提到，中國作為全球第二大航空市場，正在以實現碳達峯、碳中和為目標，全力推進可持續航空燃料（SAF）的發展。目前，中國的可持續航空燃料年產能已經達到332萬噸，主要採用的是以地溝油為原料的HEFA技術。不過，真正投入商業使用的比例還很小。雖然國家層面已經出台一些政策，並啓動了試點項目，但原料不足、認證流程複雜、成本過高這些問題，仍然是制約產業發展的關鍵。

政策上，中國已經初步搭建了支持可持續航空燃料的框架，設定了使用目標，也成立了專門研究機構來推動建立自己的認證體系。目前國內已有六家企業拿到了適航認證，但可持續航空燃料的價格依然是傳統航油的兩到五倍，對HEFA技術的依賴也導致了原料供應受限，同時，與生物柴油行業的競爭也加劇了壓力。

根據預測，到2030年可持續航空燃料的需求將達到300萬噸，2060年可能接近1900萬噸。但目前地溝油的回收體系不夠完善，供給不穩定，要想實現大規模擴產並不容易。雖然國家已經出台了一些減税和限制出口的措施，但要真正推動SAF走向規模化應用，還需要更有力的政策支持和對下一代燃料技術（如電轉液PtL、合成燃料）的加大投入。

中國國際航空飛機（圖源：GreenAir）

整體來看，中國的可持續航空燃料產業鏈還處於起步階段，從原料回收到生產能力、從機場設施到航空公司採購，都存在不少短板。未來要靠全鏈條的協同推進，包括原料標準化、長期供貨機制、財政補貼、碳交易機制等多方面共同發力。更長遠來看，可持續航空燃料並不僅是航空業專屬議題，而是中國能源結構調整的重要一環。除了地溝油路線，中國還需要加快發展像費託合成、電解氫、碳捕集等新技術，真正實現低碳規模化生產。

在國際層面，中國也應該從單純出口地溝油，轉向構建自主的可持續航空燃料產業體系。可以考慮引入“賬本與認購”機制，讓國內生產的可持續航空燃料通過碳信用等方式進入國際市場，同時推動建立可持續航空燃料期貨市場，提升價格透明度和交易活躍度。

簡單來説，中國在可持續航空燃料領域已有所作為且取得了一定進展，但要成為真正的全球性力量，仍需應對諸多艱鉅挑戰。如果能解決核心瓶頸，中國不僅能帶動本國航空業減排，也有機會在全球清潔燃料格局中佔據一席之地。

Short Summary

The article published by Green Air titled “COMMENTARY: China’s SAF industry poised to be a transformative force in aviation’s low-carbon future” states that China, the world’s second-largest aviation market, is aggressively developing sustainable aviation fuel (SAF) to meet carbon neutrality targets. It has built up 3.32 million tonnes in annual production capacity—mainly via HEFA technology using used cooking oil—but actual commercial use remains limited. Policies and pilot programs are in place, but challenges around feedstock supply, certification, and high costs persist.

The government has created a supportive policy framework, integrated SAF into national plans, and launched a research center to establish its own certification system. Six domestic producers are certified, but SAF remains far more expensive than fossil fuel and relies too heavily on HEFA, which faces feedstock limits and competition from biodiesel.

Demand is set to rise sharply—from 3 million tonnes in 2030 to nearly 19 million by 2060—yet scaling is constrained by fragmented collection systems and insufficient supply. Cost remains a major barrier, with SAF priced at two to five times that of regular jet fuel. Tax breaks and policy tweaks help, but deeper investment in next-gen fuels like Power-to-Liquid (PtL) and synthetic options is needed.

China’s SAF supply chain is still immature, with unstable raw material sourcing, limited infrastructure, and hesitant airlines and investors. Coordinated action—standardised collection, long-term contracts, subsidies, and carbon trading—will be key to making SAF viable. Long term, SAF ties into China’s broader energy transition. Alternatives like Fischer-Tropsch and PtL, plus carbon capture and green hydrogen, offer paths to large-scale, low-carbon fuel production.

On the global stage, China must shift from exporting raw materials like UCO to building a strong domestic SAF market. Mechanisms like book-and-claim and SAF futures trading could help China lead in international SAF trade.

In short, China’s SAF strategy is gaining momentum but faces steep structural hurdles. If it can overcome them, China won’t just decarbonise its aviation sector—it could redefine how clean fuels are produced and traded globally.